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Σάββατο 8 Μαρτίου 2014

Speech by President Barroso: European recovery – Local solutions


José Manuel Durão Barroso
President of the European Commission
6th European Summit of Regions and cities
Athens, 8 March 2014

Ladies and gentlemen,

First of all let me tell you it is a pleasure to be once again in Greece and in this great city of Athens. Let me also express my appreciation to the Committee of Regions and to the Attica Region and its President for organising and hosting this 6th European Summit of Regions and Cities. 

I also want to extend my warm congratulations to the Committee of Regions on the occasion of its 20th anniversary. To all of you, leaders of regions and cities, my congratulations. Mi enhorabuena a mi amigo Ramón Valcárcel. En nombre de la Comisión Europea y en el mío propio desearía expresarle nuestra admiración y nuestra solidaridad. 

You have done a wonderful work over these 20 years! And the title of today's summit – "European recovery - local solutions" - perfectly encapsulates the crucial and increasing role you are playing for the success of our growth and job agenda; and for bringing the European Union closer to its citizens.

I am also very pleased with the extremely constructive cooperation which has developed over these years between the Committee of Regions and the Commission. Indeed, we are putting in place now, in reality, what the Treaty of Lisbon has also allowed a stronger role for the Committee of Regions. And I have also heard what the Mayor of Lisbon – the Mayor of Lisbon never misses an opportunity to remind us about the Treaty of Lisbon – that it was thanks to the Treaty of Lisbon that this is possible, but now we have to put it in practice, because nothing replaces of course the political commitment, the political will. It is great to have a Treaty that enables us to implement this principle of subsidiarity, but we have to do it in even a more effective way. 

All of you, you are leaders, European leaders from our regions, from our cities. I have been saying that very often: We cannot think that the European Union is just a mission for the European institutions – in Brussels, in Strasbourg or in Luxembourg. No, Europe is in fact a multi-level project and needs a multi-level governance. The idea of a hierarchy where up here is the European leaders and down here is the population is not an idea of the 21st century. We are in fact working in network. We need the commitment of all levels and this is what I understand by subsidiarity, not the idea of restriction but, on the contrary, an idea of a democratic participation. And if we think that we can make Europe more accepted, more loved only by the institutions in Brussels or Strasbourg we are wrong: We need all the institutions, we need the Committee of Regions, but above all we need an ownership of the European project and of the European policies by everybody at all levels on the ground that are implementing, for instance our policies like EU2020, or that have the responsibility of now investing the structural funds for investment and growth in our regions. 

You know first-hand how demanding these last years have been for the people of Europe, namely, for the most vulnerable countries like here, in Greece. Let me once again say that I deeply admire and respect the courage and dignity of our fellow citizens and here of the Greek citizens. We owe them a lot. And I am confident that Europe can now emerge from this crisis not only stronger but also more united and open.
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We have been through very testing times. These are moments in history when we reach a crossroads, when uncertainties are high. These are moments when we have to embrace change, overcome the status quo and take critical decisions that will reshape our future. 

We reached such a crucial tipping point when faced with the worst financial, economic and social crisis since the start of European integration. We could have slipped towards disintegration, as predicted by many, or seized the opportunity for Europe to reform and to progress towards deeper integration. We have shown that those who predicted the demise of the euro, and even the European Union, were wrong. 

The stakes could not have been higher; because our Union is much more than an economic space. Our Union is fundamentally a community of values, a way of life. Peace and promotion of democracy, human dignity, solidarity, shared prosperity lie at the heart of European integration. Recent events beyond our Union – for instance in Ukraine – and within our Union have shown how precious, inspirational but also fragile these values can be. It would be a mistake to take these values for granted: peace for granted, or rule of law or democracy. We have to fight every day for that. And we have to do it for our countries and for our Union. 

And I think we can say, in face of this crisis – it was the worst crisis of the globalisation era – we fought back together. Under the most difficult circumstances we managed to reinforce the foundations of our European house when it started to shake. A new awareness emerged that we could no longer avoid difficult decisions that would determine whether Europe remain an area of stability, prosperity and freedom. It was not easy, I have to tell you. I have been, these 5 years, leading the Commission and the Commission is – I say sometimes – the 'engine room' of the European Union. I have been in contact with all the governments of Europe, not only the governments of the most vulnerable countries, but also of the richest countries. And as responsible leaders you know it is not easy to have an agreement between 28 countries – and in the Euro area now 18 countries – that have different financial cultures. It is not only the difference between Finland and Greece: There are differences between Germany and France. And to put all these together in a democratic way is simply a very – I can use an expression from Greeks – Herculean task. It is a real Herculean task. And so it is true, some of us – and the Commission was in the frontline – would like to have solutions faster, more ambitious. Yes, it is true. but democracy is not so rapid and cannot take decisions in such a speedy manner like the markets. And so we were in fact building the lifeboats in the middle of a storm. And this, I think, has to be recognized. Because it is easy sometimes to say 'ok, things are not going well'. Of course we know the difficulties. But we should, as responsible citizens, think what would be the alternative. the alternative would be to let Europe disintegrate, to have the currency disappear, to have dis-ordinary defaults, bankrupts… That would be the alternative. And, my dear friends, we were in certain moments very close to it. Not only in the countries that have programmes but also Spain and Italy were very very close to catastrophic situations. And then we could have a real threat to dis-stability not only of the Euro area but of the European economy...



That's why I ask you and I ask all the European forces that are now going to the European elections – and I am now speaking as President of the Commission and, as President of the Commission, my party is Europe, I am not taking sides – but I ask you to have this argument with the citizens. I believe that most of the citizens are reasonable people, they know things cannot come like that easily. And to ask about alternatives – we have been correct in some of the programmes. We have in many cases – like in Greece, in Portugal, even in Ireland and also in France or Spain – we have given more time for the fiscal adjustment. But if we had not shown from the beginning that those countries were able to correct some imbalances, what would happen is that this lack of confidence – without confidence there is no investment, without investment there is no growth. 

That's why I am asking for a reasonable assessment of what were our difficulties and what are still our difficulties. And it is not fair, it is not fair to say that it was Europe that created this situation, this crisis. This is not true – or that it was the Euro. The crisis was the result of irresponsible behaviour in the financial markets. The crisis was also the result of accumulated imbalances, including the excessive debt in our countries at national level. This was the cause of the crisis, The Euro was not the cause of the crisis: We have countries that are not in the Euro, like Latvia or Romania or Hungary, that were facing a big crisis. By the way, Latvia now joined the Euro area, showing that it is possible to overcome the crisis. Or we have countries like Iceland, that is not even a member of the European Union, that also had a big problem of insolvency. So it is not intellectually or politically correct to say 'it was the Euro that was the cause of the crisis' or 'it was the European Union that was the cause of the crisis'. No, the crisis was the result of that irresponsible behaviour of individual banks and the accumulation of excessive private debt and public debt. Europe is part of the solution, not part of the problem. 

Can we say that everything we have done was right? Probably not. The European Union is not perfect and we are here to correct many problems. But what I ask from you and from European citizens is: If you are not happy with the policy, correct it, explain your position. But do not turn your back on Europe. That will be the most important mistake to make. There are now some extremists and populists from extreme right to the extreme left that want to present that Europe is the problem. Look at what they say: They are always against openness, they are against globalisation, they are against the freedom of circulation – a basic principle that we have in Europe, the freedom to go to another country, to study, to work, to live in that country – and they are all against the European Union. That is something, from the extreme right to the extreme left, that they have in common. And so I hope that the pro-European parties, the main three forces, those that believe that Europe is something that we should fight for, will have the courage to leave the comfort zone and to say 'no, we want to make this Europe better, we are for Europe, we cannot accept this policy with the evident no alternative, that's great'. But not put at cause this great achievement that is the European Union. Because I sincerely believe that in all our history, even in history of mankind, there was never a project of peace, of putting together countries that were before enemies, like the one we have in the European Union.
Voila that was not in my speech, but I felt I had to say that to you!

Now, during these difficult times we had to promote fiscal consolidation, correct macro-economic imbalances, and ensure financial stability – these are all prerequisites for sustainable, sound growth.
Today we should not underestimate what we have accomplished so far. We have now a European Stability Mechanism, with a firepower of 500 billion euros. This represents the biggest solidarity effort ever in stabilisation between countries. We have a safer, sounder and more responsible financial sector that should fully serve the real economy's needs. We are delivering on our promise that taxpayers will no longer be the ones in the frontline rescuing individual banks. And we have a strengthened economic governance framework to ensure that countries in the euro area duly shoulder their budgetary responsibility and properly undertake the necessary structural reforms.

All these achievements would simply have been unimaginable five years ago. And our efforts, based on a renewed sense of shared solidarity and responsibility, are starting to pay off. Recovery in the European Union is gaining ground and spreading across countries. Activity has started to strengthen also in the so-called vulnerable countries.

I've just arrived from Ireland, where after a successful exit from the economic assistance programme, the country is now on its way to pick up on its recovery. 

Here, in Greece, the first signs of recovery are there. Confidence indicators continue to improve. Thanks to structural reforms undertaken in labour and product markets, competitiveness is picking up leading to expectations for reinforced exports and investments. The country should return to growth this year and recovery is forecast to gain strength in 2015.

As a Portuguese citizen I have also seen first-hand in my own country the difficulty of working through a crisis. And today these efforts are bearing fruit: There are still big problems, like unemployment, but the Portuguese economic recovery is strengthening and employment is increasing and, as I already said, we expect Portugal to exit the programme already in May. 

These first results show that when there is a political will combined with a sense of shared solidarity there is a way to emerge stronger from a deep crisis. And Greece is on its way to do it, I sincerely believe it! Greece must continue to implement the assistance programme in order to be able to start focusing on defining a growth strategy. It has been a very difficult adjustment, but now we need also a growth strategy. The correction of imbalances and the economic reforms are not an end in themselves, they are necessary conditions for sustainable growth. It is now time for Greece to define a growth strategy. And we are happy to be your partners in that – not only through the Task Force that I have created, but also through the Multiannual Financial Framework. Greece has been receiving in these last years over 20 billion from the structural funds from the European Union budget. This shows that Europe is about solidarity. 

I know that today in Greece, and also in many other countries, when people think about Europe they think about austerity. And I think this is not right. Europe is also about solidarity. 20 billion euros in grants is solidarity. And we are ready to continue that effort in the next 7 years. Commissioner Johannes Hahn – as many of you, if not all of you, know – has been visiting almost all the regions of Greece, almost all, And he hoped to conclude all of them, seeing how we can implement now the investment on the ground. Of course he has come already to the Attica Region, it is the biggest region, but all the others as well. So this is the point, we have to work in partnership. I have heard Yves Leterme, the Deputy Secretary General of the OECD mentioning that we should work together at all levels. I think this is a great opportunity to focus on investment. Let’s not forget that, in some of our countres, the structural funds represent 75% of all the public investment – namely in the new member states, the Baltic countries, central European countries. So let's now make the most of this news cycle in those Partnership programmes and that’s where you, the regions, have a very special role to play. I support a stronger role for the regions in the planning and implementing of the structural funds. This is something that I have been conveying to the national parliaments because, as you know, according to the Treaty, this is mainly a national responsibility for the government. But I want these funds to have a much more territorial dimension. Because the principle of subsidiarity means that the regions and the cities are better placed to know what are the real needs of people, namely in the social sector, then a decision taken by the capital or Brussels, that's quite clear. So we are developing this Partnership approach. I hope that in this new cycle the money will be better spent than in the past. Because sometimes – let's be honest about that as well – some of those investments were important for economic and social development, but they were not always directed for competitiveness. And so, some of the countries that received more funds – like Greece, like Ireland, like Portugal – were not always those that were better prepared for a more competitive challenge. That's why we need to work in those areas that will bring added value. 

And I think of course one of the most important issues to do now is the fight against unemployment. This is the biggest drama we have in Europe. One thing is looking at the figures, that's already a problem, but behind each of those figures there is one person, a young man or a young woman or a family. Also those who are still in employment but fear to lose their employment – that's a matter of human dignity. That is why we have created this Youth Guarantee. That's why now you have 6-8 billion euros to spend, to frontload the so-called youth employment imitative. In the beginning of next month, in April, the European Commission will organise in Brussels a conference to see exactly what has been done with that money, what we are already doing, the level of preparation in our member states. And that's where the regions can be very important, because I personally believe that in my country it's much more difficult to follow these only from the capital Lisbon than to have all those who are involved directly on the ground. 

So let's make the most of it for youth employment, let's see how we can implement Europe 2020 strategy at the ground by the different regions and also let's see how we can exploit all this potential of the Single Market, also to promote a business and innovation friendly environment, to boost also our benefits from trade relations, and to use the European budget to invest in education, research, innovation and infrastructures – all these are key leverages for and job creation.

So, to conclude, I believe that the active experience of regions and cities been crucial and that your full engagement is more than ever necessary in the pursuit of the Europe 2020 objectives.
I highly welcome your own mid-term review of the Europe 2020 strategy. I also count on your active participation in the public consultation that the Commission will launch to gather the views of all stakeholders in order to develop the strategy further for 2015 and 2020. Of course a stronger territorial dimension is necessary.

Finally, in this difficult political moment, we have to make the pedagogy about Europe. We may face a situation that is a paradox. The economic situation is improving, slow, not enough, but it's improving. But the political situation can get worse. Why? Because the citizens do not feel yet the improvement of the macroeconomic intigators and because we are going to have elections where the extremist forces can gain some power. This is why it's important that we work together to counter the myths and caricatures on Europe and to present our electors with facts and arguments on Europe. 

That's why it's important to refute extremist discourses and we need to keep a rational debate on Europe, on what Europe delivers.

Subsidiarity is not a luxury but a key democratic principle. We should better concentrate European action on the real issues that matter and can best be dealt with at the European level. 

We also have to be honest what it means to share a currency. If we share a currency, we need more integration, because at the end the credibility depends on the solidity and credibility of the institutions that are behind it. And I was very happy when the day before yesterday I heard the President of the ECB saying that the euro now is an island of stability. Can you imagine, some time ago us saying that?
This is why I think it's important to keep Europe an inclusive project for all its members. All the countries have exactly the same dignity, some are richer than others, yes, but all have the same dignity but also we need to have the EU closer to its citizens.

That's also why we need to keep a strong cultural dimension in Europe. Culture and cultural heritage are part of our core values and the heritage of our cities. That is why it is such a joy for me to be back in this great city of culture. Europe has so much to thank this country for in terms of history, culture and civilization. I hope that also this cultural dimension is more integrated in our European policies. 

On these terms, we should work for a long-term vision of Europe and I believe that the next elections will be an occasion to discuss it, discuss with the citizens. And I believe, based on the experience of these 10 years, that everybody agrees have been very very difficult years that Europe has the capacity to resist and to win.

My dear friends,
It's now fashionable in Europe to have these negative discourses on Europe. Sometimes I call this the intellectual glamour of pessimism. Everybody wants to show that they are more intelligent than the others predicting the worse scenario. That is a great deficit in Europe that is worse than the deficit of the budgets; it's the deficit of confidence. And you know as leaders that you cannot lead without confidence without hope. So this is my appeal to you. While you are of course encouraged and welcome to show the difficulties we have and to have a realistic speech about Europe, let's try to inspire hope in our citizens. Let's be a little bit proud of Europe. After all we have built the most descent societies in mankind's history; with open systems, with rights of men and women, with human rights respected. We have this huge problem of unemployment, but Europe should be proud of the kind of societies it's built and many, from Ukraine to the south of the Mediterranean are aspiring to this kind of society. To have a little bit of pride in our Europe without being arrogant is I believe very important and it's part also of the equation for growth. Confidence is a variable in the equation for growth. Confidence is now improving in investors, confidence is now improving in consumers, we also need the political leaders to show a little bit more confidence and work together for having growth and jobs in Europe.

I thank you for your attention and for your remarkable patience for already so long.